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Not only are they allowed to fight ISIS without the niggling fear of raising arms against fellow Muslims, but if they die in the process they will be graced with the lofty rank of martyrdom ch.

AMERICAN MUSLIMS AND THE AMERICAN COMMON GOOD: WHERE FROM HERE? | College of Arts & Sciences

A logical corollary of this is that in order to bring back peace in the region, it is permissible to accept the helpful hand extended by non-Muslim governments against ISIS ch. This is argued by resorting to well-established Prophetic precedence like the pact of the virtuous hilf al-fudul as well as more contemporary fatawa like that of Shaykh Bin Baz, the highest Saudi religious authority in his time.

The author further adds two helpful chapters, which although not directly related to the issue at hand, are beneficial nevertheless: chapter 10, legal rulings regarding Muslims in Western countries and chapter 11, legal rulings regarding non-Muslims in Muslim countries. One may argue that the author is pandering to the sensibilities of Western governments in his critique of ISIS. This is far from the truth. Where the book on the one hand is a refutation of ISIS, on the other hand, it is a plea to the international community to look into the causes of violent extremism and to address those conditions which function as fertile grounds for the grooming of terrorists.

Sustained academic research has revealed that radical extremism leading to terrorism is a construct which culminates in a vicious regress of action and reaction from government and terrorists Kundnani In his conclusion, the author identifies four conditions which function as fodder for violent extremism.

What’s the Difference Between Non-Violence and Violence?

These conditions should not be construed as a justification of terrorism, but an explanation of why it happens. The first is that the Iraqi government must recognise that alongside the Shia community, Sunnis also reside in Iraq. They must be given their rights in order to flourish as good citizens.

Secondly, Bashar Assad must cede authority and stop bloodshed with immediate effect and let the Syrian people decide how they should be ruled. Third, the oppression of Muslim minorities must stop, such as in the case of Muslims in Myanmar. And finally The West must be more responsible and sensible and must not use its powers to disrespect the values and cultures of those who are less militarily and technologically superior to them.

They must not hurt deeply-held beliefs of others just because they can. A cursory glance at these four causes reveal that all of them are related to genuine political grievances.

Sherman A. Jackson

She is a scholar of imperialism, citizenship, and social movements in the modern Middle East. Her most recent book, Justice Interrupted Harvard, studies struggles for justice against the growth of tyranny, inequality, and foreign intervention since the late 19 th century.


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It demonstrates that Islamic movements share a history with secular political movements and that most Middle Eastern peoples have mobilized, historically, around liberal goals. Thompson is now working on a third book, with support from the Carnegie Corporation and Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. He is co-author with David Chidester et al.

Mohammad Hassan Khalil is an associate professor of religious studies, an adjunct professor of Law, and director of the Muslim Studies Program at Michigan State University. He has presented papers at various national and international conferences, and has published peer-reviewed journal articles and book chapters on various topics, from bioethics to early Islamic historiography to contemporary conversion narratives to soteriology to jihad.

Sadat’s Assassins and the Renunciation of Political Violence

He is currently completing a book for Cambridge University Press on jihad, radicalism, and popular Western conceptions of jihad. His research interests begin in classical Islamic Studies, including law, theology and intellectual history, and extend to placing this legacy in conversation with the realities of modern Islam in the West, most especially Muslim communities in America. This implicates issues of race, immigration, liberalism, democracy, religion in the modern world, pluralism, constitutionalism, Muslim radicalism, and related areas of inquiry, again, all in conversation with the classical and post-classical legacies of Islam.

He is now in the early stages of a major book, tentatively entitled, Beyond Good and Evil: Shari'ah and the Challenge of the Islamic Secular.


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Mitchell Professor of History. The initiative seeks to promote academic research in the field of Islam and peace studies.

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